The Leader of One South Africa Movement Mmusi Maimane says South Africa needs an agile, competent, and future-oriented state to overcome its political, social and economic challenges. Maimane says the plan is a comprehensive set of specific interventions that seek to revitalise the economy post the COVID pandemic.

The organisation is calling for all leaders to unite in rebuilding the economy. Maimane says the current economic model has to be reviewed.

In truth, it still largely resembles the pre concentrated model, a small political and social elite often overlapping and an ever-growing underdeveloped citizenry.

This includes bursaries, school infrastructure, mentorship programmes, apprenticeship, training and land reform programmes in order to bridge the gap between power and potential. Take a look. You can follow any responses to this entry through the RSS 2. Both comments and pings are currently closed. Most Viewed. SA Weather Service warns of possible flooding in Gauteng Two women shot execution style in Polokwane E-hailing operators companies to suspend services on Monday Ace Magashule issued with a warrant of arrest University of Venda and University of Limpopo moving ahead with online learning.

a political economy of land reform in south africa

Lifestyle Firefighters try to contain fire on Mount Kilimanjaro. Previous Carreno Busta accuses Djokovic of feigning injury concerns.With parliamentary processes ready to resume inthe issue of land expropriation in South Africa enters its final Constitutional hurdle. Land expropriation without compensation — the loaded term which elicits varied fervent responses from the South African public — will, once again, prove its socio-political impetus in Last year, the land question divided citizens in spectacular fashion, even provoking a response from US President Donald Trump.

Two opposite emotional responses lie at the very centre of the land debate; panic and promise. The ruling African National Congress ANCsupported, in part, by the Economic Freedom Fighters EFFhas openly announced its support of Constitutional amendments to accelerate land reform as a means of practical socioeconomic redress. The promise of land — free land — has pandered directly to the populist vote. The disenfranchised majority, being led to believe that land is the master key which will unlock the shackles of poverty, have been swept up in the revolutionary rhetoric.

But before land expropriation without compensation becomes written into law, a few more legislative and parliamentary hurdles lay in wake. The bill defines new protocols relating to land expropriation and outlines the legal basis for Constitutional amendments. These include; land that is occupied or used by a labour tenant; land held for purely speculative purposes; land owned by a state-owned entity; land that has been abandoned by its owner, and land that is of a lesser value than any state subsidies from which it may have benefited.

The department of public works is tasked with investigating, defining and regulating the practical mechanisms of the Expropriation Bill. The bill is currently in its public review stage, whereby citizens have a limited time to comment. If, or more likely, when, the Expropriation Bil l is officially adopted by the National Assembly of South Africa, legal notices will be served on land owners, whose ground has been earmarked for redistribution.

This legal notice may be challenged, by lodging an official objection with the department. Fees related to expropriation, including successful challenges, will be carried by the state. An expropriation date marks the exact moment of transfer — where the previous owner relinquishes private property rights to the state. However, land owners may be able to continue living on the land until the state takes active possession of the property.

Importantly, and worryingly, owners of mortgaged properties that are expropriated will remain liable for their mortgage. Ultimately, property disputes between the state and land owners, related to land expropriation without compensation, will be arbitrated by the courts of South Africa.

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Find out more Latest Posts.Inwhile I was teaching at the University of Cape Town, I was invited by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission to be an in-house critic at a town hall it had organized. A member of the largely black African audience told this story:. Students and labor movements in South Africa are leading a mobilization of transformative potential by focusing on the land question to address the social and economic legacy of apartheid in the country.

The African National Congress won the May elections but with the lowest share of votes since the end of apartheid inillustrating its failure to address these disparities.

The Economic Freedom Fightersa far-left populist party that has been pushing for the nationalization of land, banks and mineral rights, got the votes A. South African apartheid borrowed key institutions from its North American predecessor. The Natives Land Act of appropriated 87 percent of all arable land for the whites and left a mere 13 percent for the black majority, who were herded into separate ethnic homelands. Afterin rural reserves, black people were deprived of the right to buy or sell land; they could occupy and use land only with the consent of a government-appointed traditional chief.

Inblack people in urban areas were deprived of freehold property rights. After the Afrikaner National Party won the whites-only elections init introduced formal apartheid. It ensured white hegemony by keeping black South Africans away from the urban-industrial economy by restricting their movement into cities, forcing back those who had left the reserves through mass removals and restoring autonomous tribal authorities in the reserves, charged with disciplining and containing its black population.

The reserves were renamed Bantustans, the ethnic homeland areas for various tribal groupings. At the end of apartheid in60, white farmers held 86 percent of all farmland. Thirteen million blacks, many of whose forebears had been dispossessed inheld the remaining 14 percent, much of it poor-quality land.

South Africa elections: What are the main issues?

Post-apartheid South Africa was marked by two glaring birthmarks: racialized inequality in urban areas and tribalized despotism in Bantustans. President Nelson Mandela and the A. But it has failed to do either meaningfully. A mere 8 percent of land was transferred from white to black hands over 24 years. The budget for land reform was pitiful — less than 1 percent of the national budget.

The demand for land is increasingly urban in South Africa.

a political economy of land reform in south africa

In the post-apartheid South Africa, a third of the population lives in predominantly rural former Bantustans, another third in urban areas that comprise both affluent suburbs and impoverished townships, and the remaining third in informal shanties around formal townships.

How land is utilized and by whom has direct bearing on growing unemploymentwhich at the current rate of 27 percent is the premier economic and social issue in South Africa. The post land reform program has been a dismal failure. And that failure and growing dissatisfaction have led to an intense debate on land reform, forcing the A.

InNelson Mandela signed into law the new Constitution of South Africa, Article 25 of which deals with land and property rights. Part of the debate focuses on whether the country needs a constitutional amendment to the sections dealing with land and property rights. Many in the A.Even if things look bleak overall in a country, there are always potential opportunities to be unearthed.

One of the most important areas of concern in South Africa is education. Without an educated population, a country cannot progress not only in terms of economic development but also because of political development. In South Africa, just like in other parts of the world, parents have a strong desire to see their children progress and have a good life; hence, families are willing to make sacrifices for education.

Land expropriation in 2019: What’s next for South Africa

Unfortunately, the government has not been able to supply enough classroom spaces for those of school age and many existing government facilities in low-income areas offer poor-quality education. Part of the problem is tied to budget constraints, but there are also administrative and corruption issues.

Corruption Watch, a non-government organisation, said that between and it received more than 1, reports of school principals who had stolen cash from school bank accounts. It also reported school principal posts are so lucrative they are bought and sold.

As a result of these problems, a thriving private-school market has emerged in South Africa. One private-school firm we visited had more than schools and was expanding rapidly, with more new schools opening each year. Given capacity and quality issues in government schools, as well as a lack of schools in newly developing areas, middle-class families are seeking to enroll their children in lower-cost private schools in greater numbers. The school personnel we spoke with said even poor parents would sacrifice a substantial portion of their income to send their children to these schools, in an attempt to get them the best education possible.

Some of the families lived in wood and corrugated steel shacks with no running water or inside toilets. Also looking at the government schools, I learned the range of quality varies greatly. Driving through one of the high- income neighbourhoods of Cape Town, I saw a beautiful school with excellent buildings and all kinds of sport facilities. I learned students attending that school scored among the highest in academic standards in the country.

However, other government schools have overcrowding and very low standards. With the tremendous influence that education has on unemployment and economic advancement, we hope that this area sees some progress so even underprivileged children have access to a good education. This includes many illegal immigrants.

Competition for jobs means tension and violence between the refugees and local communities — along with poverty and crime. Middle- and upper-class South Africans are major clients for security services and gated communities. However, crime cannot be attributed only to immigrants and a general lack of law enforcement is also a factor. Immigration can have a positive impact and, as we have seen in other parts of the world, immigrants have made tremendous contributions to the economy and culture of the countries they have entered.

Hundreds of tin and scrap-wood shacks lie in the shadow of multimillion-dollar mansions with incredible ocean views. In Zimbabwe, a huge power plant built on a gorge of the Zambezi River supplies power to South Africa in times of shortages, while South African excess capacity is supplied when its neighbours face shortages.

Nevertheless, black empowerment is a key government initiative. Restrictive labour regulations and a lack of skills and educational development have contributed to large-scale unemployment, which remains problematic. Land reform has been a crucial topic since the end of apartheid. InPresident Jacob Zuma said he was seeking a ban on foreign land ownership, as well as limiting the total area of land holdings to 12, hectares per individual of any nationality.

The government planned to purchase excess land above this limit and redistribute it. InZuma said he would speed up the land reform programme. The court said Parliament had to fix the Land Restitution Bill first before it could start allowing new land claims. The bill was passed into law in and allowed people who missed a deadline to lodge land claims. The proposed law will probably have the greatest impact on commercial farmers, with a presidential spokesperson clarifying that the bill would be applied to agricultural land, not residential property.

This includes local farmers, for whom limiting the land area of holdings would probably narrow the scope for economies of scale, if there is no distinction between grades of agricultural land. To date, the ban on foreign land ownership or the limit of 12, hectares has not come into effect. Pay for civil servants has increased much faster than inflation, and perks for high-ranking government ministers have increased rapidly as well.

Naturally, the result is that everyone wants to work for the government and some observers say government payrolls have become too bloated. State-owned enterprises have also become increasingly inefficient and have been subject to mismanagement, thus putting a strain on government finances. Privatisation is one solution to addressing corruption and inefficiencies in the parastatals, which would result in greater transparency and adherence to profit targets.President Donald Trump touched off a diplomatic row with South Africa by repeating an erroneous broadcast about land reform there.

On 22 August, U. President Trump apparently was responding to a Fox News report that claimed that the South African government had changed the constitution to enable land expropriation without compensation. The constitutional reform is still pending and it does not single out white farmers. Moreover, provisions for expropriation are not new. This option, however, has never been tested in court. A furious debate has ensued and continues today. But nothing has been finalised; there have been no authorised land seizures.

Definitional distinctions of what constitutes these crimes complicate matters; research shows that the primary motive for such attacks is usually robbery, though there are cases where it was political, racial or labour-related.

Crime statistics gathered by the South African Police Service are not comprehensive and since have not been disaggregated by race. In May, the police released a statistical report for the first time in over a decade, covering the period since The government said that report showed that the number of farm attacks had increased — to an annual average of — but that the number of murders had decreased to an average of about 56 each year.

Since there is a gap in the reporting, it is difficult to be sure that these numbers point to an increase or a decrease compared to the period before But recent research from AgriSA, an agricultural industry pressure group, shows that murders of white farmers are lower than at any time in the past two decades.

The Modise Network - Land reform in South Africa - 24 November 2018

The 56 average between would definitely represent a decrease fromwhen murders were recorded. A leaked cable from the U. The findings are contested by AfriForum, a group founded in to defend mainly white minority and property rights and perceived by many South Africans as politically right-wing and racially exclusive.

Definitional discrepancies and contested figures feed analytical and political disagreements over the nature and scale of the problem. The International Monetary Fund has also thrown its weight behind land reformbut only if it results in stability, addresses inequality and does not undermine agricultural production and food security.

The Fox News claims were apparently based on a short blog post published by the Cato Institute, a libertarian U. This analogy draws from a prevalent, but fundamentally inaccurate, contention that South Africa is going the way of its northern neighbour, on a slide into economic ruin. Banks are exposed through loans to the agricultural sector and are vulnerable to any process that undermines property rights and values; the Banking Association of South Africa has warned against a badly executed expropriation strategy and is exploring ways to support alternative efforts to transfer land.

The Cato report argued that Trump should intervene and that the U. Congress should convene hearings on the issue if the South African constitution is amended. As a libertarian standard bearer, the Cato Institute is devoted to defence of private property rights.Johannesburg, South Africa — In the chronically under-served township of Alexandra, year-old Elizabeth Sebile sits on the couch in a three-bedroom, state-subsidised house that she shares with her seven grandchildren, the walls around her cracked and blackened by damp.

Sebile is disabled and unable to work. When asked who she voted for, she pointed to a framed picture of Nelson Mandela on the wall beside her. But other Alexandra residents interviewed by Al Jazeera said they had turned their backs on the ruling party due to its failure to adequately provide basic services such as water and sanitation, consistent electricity and government housing.

Amid a spiralling housing crisis in Gauteng province that has often manifested in Alexandra in the form of illegal land invasions, as well as forced evictions by both the state and local vigilante groups, many younger locals said they had turned to the far-left Economic Freedom Fighters EFF party. According to pre-election polls, the EFF is set to make considerable gains on Wednesday, jumping from six percent of the vote inits first election, to between 10 — 14 percent this time.

The party, led by Julius Malema, has actively encouraged occupations of vacant private and state-owned land. It has also drawn more broadly on the symbolic appeal of land expropriation without compensation in a country whose majority-black population has experienced scant redress — whether economic, spatial or emotional — for centuries of discrimination, dispossession and forced removals by successive colonial regimes. But a number of surveys have shown that while land reform has been a major campaign issue across the political spectrum in the run-up to elections, most voters are far more concerned about the stuttering economy and unemployment, as well as spiralling violent crime and the scourge of corruption.

Gross domestic product GDP is falling on a per-capita basis as the population grows faster than the economy. Under the ruinous nine-year tenure of former President Jacob Zumacorruption and maladministration became endemic within the ANC, ravaging state-owned enterprises and leading to a dramatic increase in politically-motivated assassinations, particularly in the province of KwaZulu-Natal.

The inability of both the ANC and the centrist Democratic Alliance DAwhich currently governs the important cities of Cape Town, Johannesburg and Pretoria, to curtail this rise is illustrated through frequent and often deadly acts of vigilantism by members of under-policed communities against alleged criminals.

The DA has also been affected by infighting, which culminated in the controversial axing of its Cape Town mayor, Patricia de Lille, in May Polls predict that the DA will get between 20 — 24 percent of the vote, approximately the same as in its previous showing. In Alexandra, residents have repeatedly aired grievances that foreign nationals are taking scarce jobs and houses in an increasingly overcrowded area where unemployment is estimated to exceed 50 percent.

By his estimation, as many as 80 percent of under 25s in his area did not register to vote. Christopher Clark. Weekend rallies mark final push before crucial South Africa vote.

Why South Africa Can’t Avoid Land Reforms

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This book analyzes the new political economy of land reform in South Africa. Due to its cross-disciplinary approach, the book will appeal to a broad audience, and will benefit readers from the fields of policy reform, administration, law, political science, political economics, agricultural economics, global politics, resource studies and development studies.

Download summary here. She previously worked as a Student Assistant with the Institute. Maggott is a former student activist, and her research and political interests include issues related to community organising, gender, protest, and a post-capitalist future. Dr Stella C. Sabi has authored scientific and social science journal articles in accredited journals. Her research interests include social justice, civil society, public governance, and food and nutrition challenges in Africa.

Mashatola has diverse experience in media and library administration, and in the media newsroom and on its commercial side. He worked for the Times Media Group in Johannesburg for 12 years. He also has experience in media advocacy in the non-profit sector. His areas of research include Social Capital and Retrenchment. Adeoye O.

Inequality in post-apartheid South Africa

Akinola has published about 40 articles in accredited journals. He specializes in globalization, African political economy, development studies, resource governance, conflict and peace studies. She previously worked as an Administrative Assistant in various departments at the universities of Johannesburg and the Witwatersrand between and She received Best Student of the Year awards in her class in and She is a seasoned professional with a background in Disaster Management.

She also holds certificates in Project Management, and in Disaster Management. She has just completed her doctoral studies at Rhodes University.

a political economy of land reform in south africa

Her areas of interest include: gender, foreign policy, regional organisations and conflict resolution.

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